By Lt-Gen Nirbhay Sharma (retd)
NOW that the
dust has settled and the new Army Chief is in place, it is time to ensure that
a sense of déjà vu does not prevail. The momentum generated by the recent
happenings would indeed not be wasted if it leads to our seriously addressing
the country’s core military concerns.
The office
of the Army Chief plays a crucial role in the Defence of the country, a role
not confined just to times of war. This office represents national military
continuity and goes with high standards of integrity. However much the power of
military may be constitutionally constrained, in times of peace the Chief is
critical to matters of strategy, military organisation and planning, weapon
policies and eventually national security. The Chiefs in India have a dual
responsibility — they are effectively the Commanders-in-Chief of their
respective Services, and they also perform staff functions as part of the
government.
Even if as
individuals they are rarely perceived as public figures, they yet command a special
niche in the public imagination. Indeed, it is fitting that the Chiefs
consciously avoid engaging in public debates, as controversy only jeopardises
their non-political public service role. However, this convention also
presupposes that the political authority will speak for them and on their
behalf and explain the position as well as uphold the reputation of the Chiefs.
Viewed from
this prism, the recent public disclosures of the outgoing Army Chief may be
questioned. It is regrettable that issues that could have been resolved within
the government had to go to court. That said, we do need to examine the
compulsions that led to this extreme situation. The Defence Minister, to his
credit, did indeed repose trust in the Army Chief, refusing to play into the
hands of vested interests that went to the ridiculous extent of insinuating
suggestions of an “army coup”, etc. Yet, the leakage of the Chief’s letter to
the Prime Minister was a serious breach of security as were the allegations of
corruption in Defence deals. These must be investigated thoroughly and those
found guilty punished.
In India,
civil-military relations are predicated upon a peculiar establishment: while
the Services are responsible for operational planning and employment, vital
tools of Defence preparedness in terms of financial control vest with the
Ministry of Defence (MoD). The inevitable casualty is accountability. The two
sides see each other more as sparring adversaries in a typical “us vs them”
syndrome. The recent controversy may have served to highlight this divide;
hence my belief that hopefully some systemic solutions will evolve to cure the
malaise.
Indeed, the
establishment has always backed the armed forces in times of crisis — be it the
1962 debacle or the 1999 Kargil war. That said, it is a case of “too little,
too late”. A comprehensive action plan to achieve a state of constant Defence
preparedness is lacking. Alongside, the Integrated Defence HQ created to bring
in synergy is still headless. Unlike most modern armed forces, we don’t have a
Chief of Defence Staff. There is a need for more meaningful integration between
the MoD and the three Services. These are imperatives of modern Defence and can
no longer be overlooked. It is hoped that the Naresh Chandra Task Force which has
been assigned the duty of reviewing the national security apparatus finds
feasible ways to create an efficient higher Defence management structure.
Also on the
agenda are crucial issues with regard to human resource management, including
the shortage of 13,000 officers. The crippling operational gaps and
modernisation delays are critical. These essentially flow out of organisational
infirmities and an inadequate decision-making matrix. It is ironical that the
world’s third largest economy with a sound industrial base still imports 70 per
cent of its arms and equipment. Going by current estimates, the bottom line
requirement of the armed forces to fill the gap is approximately $ 154 billion,
with the Army requiring $ 68 billion out of it. Going by this year’s capital
equipment procurement budget of $ 12.85 billion, theoretically (at current
price levels), it will take us another 12 years to fill the operational
shortfall. Even if we suppose that the funds are available, there is no way
that we can practically achieve it. This is because the required equipment is
not available off the shelf. Supply entails long gestation periods and then it
too is hostage to inter-governmental dynamics (including technology denial).
The recently reported spurt in Defence procurement has to be seen in this
context.
The solution
eventually lies in the inevitable indigenisation of the Defence industry. The
70:30 ratio between import and indigenous production has to be reversed. The
Task Force on Self-Reliance and Modernisation in Defence is working on arms
procurement reforms which include measures to make our military expenditure
more economically sustainable.
Our new Army
Chief, along with the other two Service Chiefs, will need to pursue these
issues with the government as also address in-house matters. With rumours about
competing lobbies, factional feuds and corruption going around, there is bound
to be disenchantment in the rank and file. General Bikram Singh has started off
on a progressive note and given an assurance about not looking back. He is
known to be fair, even handed, firm but large hearted — a man with broad
shoulders who has a proven record of leading from the front and by personal
example.
Needless to
say, well-informed public and political opinion will be crucial. The media must
avoid sensationalism, politicisation, TRP-based hype and the perpetuation of
half-baked rumours. In the ultimate analysis — while the Defence of our
motherland is the mandate of the toiling soldier, that soldier too needs to be
shielded from unjust onslaughts. The defender must be defended. If we ignore
this fundamental truth, we will do so at our own peril.
The writer, a retired Lt-General, is a Distinguished Fellow at the
Observer Research Foundation, New Delhi.
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