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Sunday, April 24, 2016

Declining Status of the Indian Armed Forces

by Shashi Tharoor

For better or worse, Armed Force is the guarantor of a nation’s security. It protects the nation from threats extending beyond or within its borders. The Indian armed forces act as the guardian of the legitimacy enjoyed by the government through the spirit of the democratic process. The officers of our armed forces swear “true faith and allegiance” to the Constitution of India upon enrolment in the military. But do we, the political establishment, show the same faith and allegiance towards our uniformed citizens? I fear not. Petty slights, ranging from deliberately downgrading the military in protocol terms, to persistent actions to lower the status and compensation of our military personnel, have eroded the dignity of the Indian armed forces. The consequences will inevitably be suffered by all.
The armed forces are among those very few citizens of India who, at a moment’s notice, might be summoned to sacrifice their lives in the service of their country.
The 15 lakh servicemen constitute approximately 30% of central government employees.
However, with each Central Pay Commission (CPC), the seventh of which was released last year, we have proven to be blind to their enduring sacrifice. We have short-changed the remuneration of our armed servicemen. One such change put forward in the CPC is the status of Brigadiers, who, until the 3rd CPC, were granted a higher salary than the deputy inspector general (DIG) of the police.
Today, Brigadiers are equated to the deputy inspector general, and, after the implementation of the 7th CPC, will be relegated to a lower pay scale than DIGs. These changes defy reason: only 2% of defence officers achieve such a rank, which is only received after 12 more years of service than the designation of DIG.
The result is that longer service in the Indian Army is rewarded with less compensation than fewer years of service in the police force. What could possibly justify such a disparity?
7th Central Pay Commission
The 7th CPC also recommends, among other things:
*a separate pay matrix and 
*disability pension policy for defence forces, which largely disadvantages the defence personnel in favour of higher allowances for their civilian counterparts.
According to the 7th CPC, disabled junior commission officers in the IAF are given Rs 12,000 as a disability pension while the equivalent civilian with the same level of disability draws over twice that amount (Rs 27,690).
Disabled junior Commission Officers are given Rs 12,000 as pension.
A civilian with the same level of disability is given Rs 27,690.
But remuneration, as delineated in the CPC, is but one facet of a larger trend of diminishing the status of our servicemen.
The Order of Precedence is the official hierarchy of the Republic of India. It denotes the rank of government officials in the ceremonial protocol; an important point of pride and status for all government servants. By codifying government’s official rankings, it is a convenient illustration of the inconvenient reality of the lowered status of our military personnel.
Since 1947, subsequent to every Indian military victory (1947-8, 1965, and 1971), our military officers have been marginalized further and further down the Order of Precedence.
Post 1962
After the 1962 Indo-China war, the three Chiefs of Staff were put below the newly created Cabinet Secretary. The Major Generals were equated to a rank below the Director of the Intelligence Bureau.
Post 1965
After the 1965 Indo-Pakistan war, the Chiefs of Staff were further downgraded below the Attorney General.
In 1968
In 1968, Major Generals were placed below the Deputy Controller and Auditor-General.
In 1971
In 1971, the Service Chiefs came below the Comptroller and Auditor-General (both of whom were previously below Lieutenant General). Similarly, Lieutenant Generals have been placed below the Chief Secretaries, who were previously ranked lower than Major Generals.
With each war came the deaths of countless of our nation’s children, who gave the ultimate measure of devotion in service of their nation.
The changes to the Order of Precedence and the growing disparity in salary suggests that we have commemorated their sacrifice and rewarded their efforts with a harsh and unconscionable gift of declined dignity.
Protocol, Policy-Making and Peacekeeping -
I still recall in my UN peace-keeping days my astonishment at meeting an Indian delegation wherein an experienced and impressive Brigadier had to cede place to a less-informed Director-rank civilian from the MEA, purely on grounds of protocol. It taught me a great deal about what was wrong with our policy-making on peacekeeping.
Issues of status and remuneration might appear trivial, but they augur ill for the future well-being of the country.
The Army is not as attractive a career option for the next generation as it was for their forebears.
The armed forces are already arm-wrestling with the invisible hand of the market to capture the available talent and capacities of the younger generation. But their ability to recruit young citizens is, ironically, undermined by the very economic development that they guarantee though keeping our nation secure.
The armed forces are as critical to guaranteeing the safety of the nation in this century as in the last. Conventional wars over territorial disputes may appear improbable today. But make no mistake, while we are not at war, we are also not at peace.
The 21st century marks the beginning of a protracted era of geopolitical volatility that presents itself as an illusion of peace to the complacent. We have an unresolved border issue with China, continuing hostilities conducted by “non-state actors” from Pakistan, militants in Kashmir and the northeast, and the ever-present threat of terrorism.
The lowering of status and remuneration of the Indian armed forces is an attack on the very insurance that guarantees the liberties endowed to all citizens of India. We must empower our officers and soldiers and grant them the position of prominence they deserve. Revising the errors in the 7th Pay Commission decisions and in the Order of Precedence would be a good place to start.
(Former UN under-secretary-general, Shashi Tharoor is a Congress MP and author)
http://www.thequint.com/opinion/2016/04/21/shashi-tharoor-on-the-declining-status-of-the-indian-armed-forces

Comment

The politicians, the bureaucracy and now even the other civil services have been responsible for betraying and deliberately lowering the status, dignity and remunerations of the Armed Forces personnel. No one can ever deny the fact that time and again, they have stood by the Nation's security, territorial integrity and dignity, in every walk of life which more often is away from their normal course of duties, especially so when all other so to say specialised civil  have very often failed to perform even their normal day to day duties.

Under these circumstances, with what face and justification are the politico-bureaucratic combine is shamelessly bent upon down grading the Indian Armed Forces in every sphere of Nation's life. Is their any one in Indian political set up including the Prime Minister, who can check this downward slide of the Defence services?

Wednesday, April 20, 2016

Highest French distinction given to people's Governor

 By Pradeep Kumar
Former army chief general (retired) J J Singh  Delhi was conferred with the highest French civilian distinction, Officer of the Legion of Honour, on April 11 last.

    Singh was chosen for the honour in recognition of his "stellar role" in modernising the Indian Army and initiating robust exchanges between the Indian and French armies leading to "unprecedented" levels of cooperation and inter-operability and creation of enduring ties and promotion of mutual understanding between the two countries, the French Embassy said here.

   'Officier de l'Ordre national de la Legion d'Honneur' is the highest civilian award given by the French Republic for outstanding service to France, regardless of the nationality of the recipients.  Singh was conferred the honour by French Ambassador to India, Francois Richier.

   An alumnus of the National Defence Academy and holder of a master's degree in Defence Science, Singh was commissioned into the 9th Maratha Light Infantry on 02.08.64.

    In January, 2003, he was appointed as the General Officer Commanding-in-Chief of the Army Training Command (ARTRAC), took over as Western Command Army Commander in January 2004 but assumed the office of Chief of Army Staff on 31.01.05 and appointed Chairman of the Chiefs of Staff Committee of the three forces.

   Working tirelessly for the enhancement of military cooperation between the Indian and French armies, he led an inter-services delegation to France that year.

It was during his tenure that he mooted the idea of holding joint army exercises at the level already existing between the two countries' air forces (Garuda) and navies (Varuna).

"It was thus that the 'Shakti' inter-army exercise later came into being in 2011," the statement said.

In 2009, he was invited as the guest of honour for the French National Day military parade in Paris in which an Indian Army contingent took part for the first time.

   He earned the honour 'A soldier's General' before his  retirement in September 2007. He was appointed Arunachal Pradesh Governor on 27.01.08, wrote his  autobiography  'A soldier's General', but received the highest honours 'People's Governor' given by the people, as claimed by him. He demitted office on 28.05.13.


    With China oft repeatedly claiming over the territory of Arunachal Pradesh, the appointment of retired Army chief was a message that New Delhi meant business.

    Four days after resuming duty, workaholic Gen JJ air-dashed to insurgency-infested Tirpap district HQs Khosna to announce his doctrine to adopt 'Iron fist' denotes a ruthless and ‘no nonsense’ approach while tackling insurgents or terrorists and the 'velvet glove' shows humane approach when dealing with innocent ones. The only way to address terrorism is to deal with issues that create terrorism, to resolve them where possible and where that is not possible, to ensure that there is an alternative to violence. In fact, he has been invited to different parts of the world to advise ways to tackle insurgency and terrorism

   With development as buzzword, Gen JJ went on frequent tours, attempted to remove the hurdles to accelerate the process of development to win the hearts of the masses to be called 'People's governor'. His chemistry with the ruling chief minister was unique and unparalleled without any misgiving. Sobbing officer officers and those who loved him pulled the flower decorated jeep carrying Gen JJ and his wife Anupama Singh from Raj Bhawan to the helipad where he boarded a chopper on way to Delhi.

 The turnaround he had brought to the development process is lit large all over the state and list is very lengthy. The most important of all, according to me, was his sincere efforts to open border trade with China by reopening the historic Stillwell road. Anyone could drive at 100 km speed from Jairmapur to Pangsau Pass, the personal initiative of Gen JJ.

 He was well aware that 50% of world's rich in South East Asian nations and once the 1,726-km Stillwell road, from Ledo in Assam to Kunming in Yunan province of China, developed by US Army Gen Joseph Stillwell in 1945, once opens would herald a new era of economic development for this under developed state.

   Though the Indian Army had been refusing permission despite repeated efforts of the GoAP to open border trade by reopening the Stillwell road, the governor's recommendation as former Army chief could not be undermined. The state would reap its fruit very soon as he had described it to me in plain words.


As I am on a move in various parts of Odisha, Gen JJ's office cold contact me after  trying for three days to give me the details and confirm that the former governor had received my salutation.

Tuesday, March 29, 2016

Military seethes at Pay Commission suggestions


The resentment stems from the widespread belief that civilian officials are whittling away at their relative status


The Seventh Central Pay Commission recommendations, handed over to the government in November, have aroused bitter resentment within the military. On March 11, the three service chiefs made a presentation to the "Empowered Committee of Secretaries", a 13-member panel headed by the cabinet secretary, which is looking into the recommendations. The army, navy and air force are waiting to see if this panel will tone down clauses that former army chief VP Malik has termed "a killer for the military."

This impression is rampant amongst soldiers, sailors and airmen, even though the Seventh Pay Commission has raised baseline military salaries by about 15 per cent, taking the pay of a lieutenant (the entry grade for officers) to Rs 56,100 per month; and that of a sepoy (the entry grade for ratings) to Rs 21,700 per month. This is significantly lower than the 40 per cent increases handed out by the Fifth and Sixth Pay Commissions. One of the Seventh Pay Commission members, Rathin Roy, underlining the imperative to curb government spending, has admitted unapologetically: "We are the stingiest pay commission, ever."

In addition to pay, soldiers get a special allowance called "military service pay", which exists in most militaries in forms such as the British army's "X-Factor Pay". The Seventh Pay Commission raises it for officers from Rs 6,000 to Rs 15,500 per month; and for persons below officer rank from Rs 2,000 to Rs 5,200 per month. 



In addition, soldiers get a "risk and hardship allowance", based on the profile allocated to every military station. The highest grade on the matrix is Rs 25,000 per month, but serving on the Siachen Glacier and Antarctica entitles a soldier to a special grade of Rs 31,500 per month.

Totting up these allowances, the Seventh Pay Commission chairman, Justice Ashok Kumar Mathur, in an interview to The Economic Times on December 20, claimed he had recommended 30 per cent higher salaries for the military than civilian services would draw.

His logic was based on the dubious premise that military service pay constitutes a component of salary. In western military salary structures, such allowances are not salary, but compensation for the "intangible hardships" of military service. These include long separation from families, wives being unable to work, and children changing schools frequently and growing up without their father, et cetera.

During its deliberations, the Seventh Pay Commission asked the Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (IDSA) to compare military salaries in India with those of major foreign armed forces. While the IDSA study was relatively unbiased, the Commission chose to interpret them selectively, applying purchasing power parity to boost the value of Indian military salaries; and then comparing them with the per capita income of the concerned country. Given India's abysmal per capital income, military salaries look good by comparison. The Seventh Pay Commission uses this to argue that India's military is paid very well by international standards.

It's the comparison, stupid!

Since the hefty raises of the Fifth and Sixth Pay Commissions, few soldiers claim they are poorly paid. Even so, festering resentment stems from the widespread belief that civilian officials, particularly from the Indian Administrative Service (IAS), conspire to whittle away the military's relative status. Soldiers point to a host of generous allowances and the assured promotion benefits that are triggered for entire civilian batches as a result of the first officer of that batch getting promoted. A key element of this was instituted by the Sixth Pay Commission through a mechanism called "non-functional financial upgrade". This mandates that when an IAS officer from a particular batch is promoted to a certain rank, all his batchmates from some sixty Group 'A' central services also start drawing the higher pay scale two years later, irrespective of competence or vacancies in that rank. The military had taken up a case for a similar upgrade, but this was not agreed to. The Seventh Pay Commission does not recommend its extension to the military either.

Thus, while practically every civilian central service officer would make it to the top pay grades, the army will remain a sharply pyramidal meritocracy, where less than one per cent of officers are promoted to lieutenant general rank (higher administrative grade, in pay commission scales). Those soldiers who do not make the cut - including meritorious officer, who are held back only because of limited promotion vacancies at each rank - are entitled to neither the power nor the pelf of higher rank since the army has no non-functional financial upgrade. The military's demand for parity has been one of the five "core anomalies" of the Sixth Pay Commission, and was strongly pressed before the "Empowered Committee" last week.

Cost-to-company

Adding to the bitterness amongst soldiers is the argument, increasingly voiced by civil service officers, that soldiers' emoluments should be evaluated in terms of "cost-to-company", taking into account all their emoluments and facilities. Top generals argue that the armed forces constitute "the cheapest gun fodder", since they incur the least lifetime cost to the government. They point out that soldiers incur the lowest induction cost, since they do not get paid salary during their training period, unlike civilian officers and the Central Armed Police Forces. They have the lowest retention cost, since they retire early, thus drawing salaries for less time than civilian counterparts; and they also have the lowest advancement cost, since relatively small numbers are promoted to higher rank, leaving many languishing at lower pay grades. Finally, soldiers also incur the lowest pension costs, since their pensions are fixed at 50 per cent of the last pay drawn - at lower pay grades in most cases.

The army has slowly - and sullenly - come to terms with the "first amongst equals" status of the IAS, which has been inexorably institutionalised since the Third Pay Commission noted that "an IAS officer gets an unequalled opportunity of living and working among the people, participating in planning and implementation of developmental programmes, working with the Panchayati Raj institutions, coordinating the activities of government departments in the district and dealing directly with the problems of law and order." Given this, the Third Pay Commission granted the IAS (and the Indian Foreign Service) three extra increments at each of three successive seniority grades - senior time scale, junior administrative grade and selection grade - to which IAS officers are promoted at four, nine and 13 years of service, respectively. Since the other services got just one increment at these grades, IAS/IFS officers accumulate six extra increments by the time they have served 13 years. This lead in emoluments continues through their service.

However, successive governments have ensured the military remains the "first amongst uniformed services." The Seventh Pay Commission now upsets this balance by recommending that "the criticality of functions at the district administration level holds good equally for the IAS, Indian Police Service (IPS) as well as the Indian Forest Service (IFoS)." It recommends that six additional increments be extended also to the IPS and IFoS.

The military chiefs have argued strongly before the "Empowered Committee" that the military - which they term "the instrument of last resort" - does not have the option of "handing over an adverse situation to any other government agency". They have argued that, while the police and central armed police force personnel often lay down their lives, including in cross border firing, they incur a "lower level of risk" compared with the armed forces, which "actively seek encounters with terrorists and close combat with the enemy, despite the high risk of death". The chiefs have argued that military service demands higher levels of proficiency, commitment and sense of sacrifice.


There is little to suggest, however, that the government is listening. The anomalies of the Sixth Pay Commission still remain unresolved, including the five "core anomalies" that include the military's demand for non-functional financial upgrade. A committee of secretaries that was constituted in 2011 heard the military for a month and then tossed the ball into the court of the Seventh Pay Commission. There is little to suggest the military's current representations would be treated with greater sensitivity.

http://www.business-standard.com/article/economy-policy/military-seethes-at-pay-commission-suggestions-116032301229_1.html

Monday, March 28, 2016

MoD for retaining higher status, pay for armed forces

Row over 7th pay panel recommendations

·       The Army, Navy and Air Force have claimed that the 7th pay panel will bring armed forces' allowances lower than those for paramilitary forces

·         The forces have flagged 37 issues of which eight have been termed as "key-issues", which, if not sorted out, can have an adverse impact on the morale of the forces

Ajay Banerjee

Tackling irksome issues as regards the 7th Central Pay Commission (CPC), the Ministry of Defence will convey to an empowered committee headed by the Cabinet Secretary that the status, pay and allowances of the armed forces be kept above all other “fighting” arms of the government.

Sources said Defence Minister Manohar Parrikar told a high-level meeting at the MoD on March 22 that the stance of the ministry should be categorical on the issues of status, pay and allowances for the forces.

Parrikar was in agreement with key issues raised by the three service chiefs—Air Chief Marshal Arup Raha, Admiral Robin Dhowan and General Dalbir Singh Suhag.

MoD officials have been asked to prepare a formal note for the empowered committee of secretaries, led by the Cabinet Secretary, which is studying recommendations of the 7th CPC. The government is yet to announce what it has accepted or rejected. The forces cannot directly petition the empowered committee.

In all, the forces have flagged 37 issues of which eight have been termed as “key-issues”, which, if not sorted out, can have an adverse impact on the morale.

One of the issues was “wrong and misplaced” comparison with the Central armed police (paramilitary) forces—Central Reserve Police Forces (CRPF), Border Security Force (BSF), Indo-Tibetan Border Police (ITBP), Central Industrial Security Force (CISF) and the Sashastra Seema Bal (SSB).

The services have told the MoD that there can be no comparison with the paramilitary in terms of the mandate, duties, risks in service conditions and tasks assigned. The 7th CPC will upset laid-down seniorities and place armed forces’ allowances lower than those for paramilitary forces.

The three forces—Army, Navy and Air Force—have petitioned Parrikar for the restoration of earlier status, which has been “disturbed” following recommendations of the 7th pay commission.

The disability pension for the armed forces has been lowered, but it has been maintained at same levels for paramilitary forces. Parrikar has been informed that the pay panel has disturbed parity between Lt-Colonels and Commandants of the paramilitary forces.

The issue of allowances was discussed at the meeting and the much-quoted example of how Guwahati will be a “tougher” posting than serving on the forbidding Siachen Glacier, was brought out.


The CPC has suggested Rs 31,500 per month for officers and Rs 21,000 per month for jawans as allowance to compensate them for the “hardship” faced at Siachen. However, once the pay commission’s new salary slabs come into place, the tough area allowance (TRA), which is about 33 per cent of the basic salary, in civilian services works out to be in excess of Rs 55,000 for IPS and IAS officers and Rs 30,000 for others posted in areas such as Guwahati.

http://www.tribuneindia.com/news/nation/mod-for-retaining-higher-status-pay-for-armed-forces/213476.html

Friday, March 4, 2016

Government should bring closure to OROP impasse

On September 5, 2015, in response to an agitation by retired soldiers of the Indian Army, commonly called "veterans" for a better deal in their pensions, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)- led National Democratic Alliance (NDA) government announced the acceptance of the One Rank One Pension (OROP) scheme.

There was much celebration, in certain quarters only, on acceptance of a demand of Indian soldiers that had been held back by governments led by both the Congress and the BJP. Among the veterans and the defence services fraternity, there was a sense of disquiet, since it was largely perceived that the award given was not in consonance with the definition of OROP.While Union
Finance Minister Arun Jaitley has recently delivered the third budget of his government and the second full fledged one, the veterans continue to wallow at Jantar Mantar, New Delhi, since their OROP demand has neither been met nor implemented in letter and spirit.
It would be fallacious to think that the NDA government would not be concerned about the continued impasse on this sensitive topic for which it feels it has walked the extra mile. The agony of the government would be propounded by the fact that Prime Minister Narendra Modi has always held the country`s armed forces in very high esteem.
No better example of his feelings can be given beyond the fact that he spends Diwali, the most revered festival of the Hindus, with Indian troops on the border.At this stage, when the impasse remains an embarrassment even after the passage of three budgets, it is time to see if there is a way out of this logjam.
The OROP order, as it stands, is re-fixing pension on the basis of the calendar year as 2013; it also envisages re-fixing of pensions every five years.The prime objective of seeking OROP is seeking parity in pension for all defence forces retirees in their particular rank to an acceptable extent.
A five-year revision scheme will only increase the gap in the parity sought.Another contentious issue is the clause that the personnel, who opt for discharge at their own request after completion of colour service, will not be entitled to the benefits of OROP. This clause does not consider the fact that leaving after completion of "colour service," entails having served the minimum period required by law to earn a full pension.
The veterans feel that the aforementioned award is not in consonance with the accepted definition of OROP, as approved by Parliament. The veterans further feel that this dispensation will lead to a situation of One Rank Many Pensions instead of One Rank One Pension.The apprehensions of the veterans and even the serving personnel of the defence services stand further aggravated by the position on the subject taken by the 7th Central Pay Commission (CPC) that, in its recommendations, has failed to cater for traditional compensation granted to defence personnel to cater for their truncated careers.
The idea is to bridge the massive gap between civilian and defence retirees. As things stand now, the defence personnel are at a disadvantage vis-a-vis their civilian central government counterparts in terms of life time earnings due to early retirement further compounded by aborted pension.Since the pension of current retirees is passed on to the past retirees through OROP, the position of the 7th CPC will adversely impact the effectiveness of the OROP scheme.
Unlike the OROP scheme for defence pensioners, a similar scheme recommended by 7th CPC for civilian/CAPF personnel, is superior, especially since it has no conditions regarding applicability.
All seemingly complex issues have an inherent simple solution. In the case of OROP, there is a simple solution in case the government can muster the courage to implement the same. The government can easily grant pension based on maximum model instead of average and award revision of OROP biennially instead of five yearly. 

http://zeenews.india.com/news/india/government-should-bring-closure-to-orop-impasse_1862316.html

Thursday, March 3, 2016

खुशखबरी: 7वें वेतन आयोग के अनुसार वेतन देने को सरकार तैयार, एक मार्च से शुरू मीटिंगों का दौर


नई दिल्ली: केंद्रीय वित्त मंत्री अरुण जेटली ने आज संसद में आर्थिक सर्वेक्षण रिपोर्ट पेश किया। इस रिपोर्ट में आम आदमी को प्रभावित करने वाले 7वें वेतन आयोग के सिफारिशों पर कहा गया है कि इसके लागू करने से बाजार के कीमतों से अस्थिरता नहीं आएगी रिपोर्ट में कहा गया है कि वेतन वृद्धि लागू करने से महंगाई पर थोडा असर तो होगा लेकिन कीमतें अस्थिर हो जाएगी ऐसी कोई संभावना नहीं है।

संसद में वित्त बर्ष 2015-16 के लिए पेश आर्थिक सर्वेक्षण में कहा गया है कि वैश्विक वित्तीय बाजारों में भारी उतार चढाव के बावजूद भारतीय शेयर बाजार में विपरीत परिस्थितियों से उबरने के क्षमता समकक्ष वैश्विक शेयर बाजारों से अधिक है। केंद्रीय वित्त मंत्रालय के मुरव्य आर्थिक सलाहकार अरविंद सुब्रह्मण्यम द्वारा तैयार आर्थिक सर्वेक्षण में कहा गया है कि वैश्विक वित्तीय बाजारों में भारी उतार चढ़ाव के बावजूद भारतीय शेयर बाजार मेें विपरित परिस्थितियों से उबरने की क्षमता समकक्ष वैश्विक शेयर बाजारों से अधिक है।  केंद्रीय वित्त मंत्रालय के मुख्य आर्थिक सलाहकार अरविंद सुब्रह्मण्यम द्वारा तैयार आर्थिक सर्वेक्षण में कहा गया है,  'बाजार में कई बार गिरावट के बाद फिर तेजी आई है।'
सर्वेक्षण के मुताबिक जैसे- जैसे वैश्विक वित्तीय प्रणाली में स्थिरता आएगी, बैसे-वेसे भारत अग्रणी निवेश गंतव्य बनता जाएगा सर्वेक्षण में कहा गया है कि देश के मजबूत आर्थिक बुनियाद के कारण देश के शेयर बाजार में निवेश होता रहेगा सातवें वेतन आयोग के तहत वेतन दृष्टि से कीमतों में अस्थिरता बने की संभावना नहीं है और मुद्रास्फीति पर इसका मामूली असर होगा यह बात शुक्रवार क्रो लोकसभा में पेश किए गए आर्थिक सर्वेक्षण 2015-16 में कही गई है।

संसद में पेश आर्थिक सर्वेक्षण में कहा गया, 'चालू वित्त वर्ष में ज्यादातर समय मुद्रास्फीति स्थिर रही और आरबीआई के लक्ष्य 4-6 प्रतिशत के भीतर ही रहीं लेकिन सातवें वेतन आयोग द्वारा सरकारी कर्मचारियों के वेतन लाभ बहाने के सिफारिश से मुद्रास्फीति बढने की चिंता लोगों को सता रही है।'

इसमें कहा गया है कि हालांकि लोगों को फिक्र है, "यदि सरकार इस सिफारिश को स्वीकार करती है तो क्या कीमतें अस्थिर हो जाएगी और महंगाई बढ़ जाएगी? ज्यादा संभावना है कि ऐसा नहीं होगा।"

छठे वेतन आयोग के सिफारिशों के क्रियान्वयन का उदाहरण देते हुए आर्थिक समीक्षा में कहा गया है कि उस समय में भी सिफारिश भारी भरकम थीं, लेकिन मुद्रास्फीति पर उसका कोई बडा असर देखने में नहीं आया था।

आर्थिक सर्वेक्षण में कहा गया है कि रेलवे सहित अनुमानित वेतन का बिल सातवें वेतन आयोग के तहत करीब 52 प्रतिशत बढ़ जाएगा, जबकि छठे वेतन आयोग में यह 70 प्रतिशत बढा था।

इससे कहा गया है कि चूंकि सरकार "राजकोषीय घाटे को कम करने देंगे प्रतिबद्ध है इस लिए वेतन में बढोतरी होने के बावजूद कीमतों का दबाव कम होगा।"


वेतन आयोग के उपलक्ष्य में एक अहम मीटिंग एक मार्च होने वाली है और सम्भव है की इसके बाद कुछ मीटिंगों और होगी सरकार के पूरी कोशिश पूरी होगी के कर्मचारी किसी किसी बात पर समझौता कर ले, इसमें मुख्यत: न्यूनतम वेतन में बढोतरी अहम है फिलहाल वित्तमंत्री का आश्वासन के सरकार वेतन आयोग के सिफारिशों क्रो मानने के लिए बिलकुल तैयार हैं। कर्मचारी संगठनो के लिए राहत भरी है।