Many distinguished veterans argue that
they are only asking for what was promised to them, pointing to the aphorism of
Chankaya, the architect of the Mauryan empire, who is said to have advised his
prodigy Chandragupta Maurya thus: “The day a soldier has to demand his dues will
be a sad day for Magadha.From then on you have lost all moral sanctions to be
King.“
Military veterans claim babus are
thwarting PM Modi';s poll pledge of one-rank-one-pension by inflating its cost
estimates
Roman emperor Augustus started the
tradition of military pensions in 13 BC, when every legionary who had fought 20
years for Rome was guaranteed a pensionfor-life. It set the bar for modern
armies, and independent India continued the British tradition of financially
privileging military service until the mid-1970s, when soldiers were paid more
than civilian bureaucrats, in service and after retirement. All that changed
with the Third Pay Commission, which brought military salaries in line with
civil services, and while soldiers have long complained about political control
over the military in independent India mutating into bureaucratic control, a
row over the NDA';s promise for one-rank-one-pension (OROP) for military
veterans is raising questions about the government';s ability to translate its
intent into action.
Fifteen months after Narendra Modi
first demanded it immediately after being anointed the BJP';s PM candidate, 10
months after the UPA government granted it, five months after NDA';s finance
minister Arun Jaitley confirmed it and almost two months after the PM told
soldiers in Siachen that it was his “destiny that one rank-one pension has been
fulfilled“, military veterans are questioning why the promise has still not
been implemented.
NUMBER GAMES
Put simply, OROP means that every
pension-eligible soldier who retires in a particular rank deserves the same
pension, irrespective of date of retirement. Currently, soldiers who left the
armed forces more recently receive more than those who did earlier, because
successive pay commissions hiked salaries. Two days after he was anointed
BJP';s PM-candidate in September 2013, Modi vehemently supported the OROP
demand at a veterans'; rally in Rewari. With roughly 12 lakh veterans also
constituting a huge vote-bank, UPA government approved the demand in February
2014, and it was reaffirmed by NDA in July, when finance minister Arun Jaitley
specifically provisioned Rs 1,000 crore in his 2014-15 budget (within an
overall defence pensions budget of Rs 51,000 crore). Yet, it remains stuck in
bureaucratic wrangling.
At the heart of the problem are
bureaucratic disagreements over costs. The finance ministry told a
parliamentary committee in 2011 that it would cost Rs 1,300 crore a year while
defence ministry pegged annual cost estimates at Rs 3,000 crore. Yet, now that
OROP has been approved, the Comptroller of Defence Accounts has reportedly put
the bill as high as Rs 9,300 crore per annum (see charts).
Defence minister Manohar Parikkar has
held stakeholder meetings to resolve the crisis, most recently on December
10, with no clear solution yet. Veterans'; groups are perplexed at the changing
goalposts, blaming the bureaucracy for being obscurantist. Says Lt Gen SK Bahri
(retd), chairman, Alliance of Ex-Service men Organisations: “The bureaucracy is
fighting a rear-guard action. It is not difficult to find funds but our problem
is the lower bureaucracy which can stop anything in the ministry.
“We are fighting an
internal enemy.“
Veteran groups, fighting the OROP
battle for at least two decades, claim they don’t have the ears of the
leadership. “Whatever the bureaucracy tells them, they believe,“ says Lt Col
Inderjit Singh, chairman, All-India Ex-Services Welfare Organisation.
Reassuring doubters, Parrikar was recently quoted as saying that “the
government is seriously considering implementing the one-rank-one-pension
policy“ and the “announcement will be made in four to eight weeks“.
His words may reassure veteran groups
who have been organizing protest rallies. Their social media networks are full
of invective and a growing sense of “betrayal“ and “disillusionment“, which is
fast gaining a political edge. The fight for OROP, in this narrative, is
turning into a new cipher for the ever-present military trope of overbearing
bureaucrats being allowed to ride rough-shod over them in a defence ministry
that is still not integrated with service headquarters, as in other liberal
democracies.
The problem is that different
departments used different formulas to calculate costs but as Major Navdeep
Singh, advocate in Punjab and Haryana High Court points out, “the directive to
break this logjam has to come from the top“. “There seems to be an
anti-services sentiment in the lower bureaucracy ,“ he adds, “but higher
echelons must overrule such disputes.“
SOLDIERS vs CIVILIANS
The case for OROP is predicated on
military terms of service being much harsher than those for civil services.
Most soldiers retire between 35-37 years of age, while officers below
brigadier-or-equivalent do so at 54, with limited re-employment options. Civil
servants, in contrast, retire at 60.
Moreover, the Sixth Pay Commission
granted the facility of what bureaucrats call “non-functional upgrade“ (NFU) to
officers in all-India Group A services. This is a sort of `pay-promotion';,
allowing them, under certain conditions, to draw higher pay than their rank,
without actually being promoted. Almost all civil servants benefit from this
while defence services officers do not, even as their career pyramid is much
steeper. Only 0.8% of defence officers make it to the rank of major general
after 28 years of service, compared with a much higher rate of civil servants
who are eligible to become joint secretaries at 19 years of service. As Major
Navdeep Singh says, veterans see NFU as a sort of “OROP by backdoor for civil
servants“.
I personally feel that now we should believe the Raksha Mantri what he has proclaimed yesterday, 1st February 2015. He is trying his best to overcome the hurdles being brought about by the bureaucratic lobby every now and then. After all, all the paper work and calculations have to be done by the Babus.Yash
Yashvir Tuli
yashtuli@hotmail.com
The heaven born ICS were the actual rulers of India in the days of the Raj without any political bosses and there were about 550 Indian ICS officers after independence excluding 33 British ICS officers opting to stay on. Compared to that the Army had 40 Indian lt cols and 2 brigs after the war and after independence mostly confined to cantonments to look after the Army on exodus of British officers. The new Netas had to depend on Bureaucrates to run the Government and gradually a new bureaucracy of Neta - Babu combination
ReplyDeleteemerged overpowering the incorruptible ICS to transform it to current office of profit concept . Let's face facts , Netas can not survive without IAS nor can Military brass survive without their devotion to the authorities .It is only in recent times that physical solidarity of veterans has succeeded in causing trauma in the Neta Babu nexus resulting in popularity of OROP. Let's insulate the Military from the cesspool of governance . They are and will share all the miseries of the Nation even humiliation from the Nexus because they are trained to do so. Time is ripe to break the shackles of dog like devotion to authorities a legacy of the Raj. Let's start off by getting bullet proof vests for all soldiers. Even Bank Guards in Meghalaya wear bullet proof vests!