by Lt Gen S. S. Mehta
SIXTYSEVEN years
into Independence and despite four wars, including a humiliating defeat in
1962; matched by a consummate victory over Pakistan in 1971; the Kargil
intrusion, the Mumbai terrorist attack, scores of insurgent and internal
security movements, India remains cocooned in a yawning void between promise
and delivery. If one thought India has had enough time to put the building
blocks for a sound national security policy into place, one would be
disappointed. On this critical issue, we remain vague and incongruous. On the
contrary, it would seem that there is an inexplicable disconnect in policy
makers’ minds about the linkages between National Security and National
Defence.
National security is an inclusive
concept. It demands political savvy, economic security, soft and hard power,
focused development and growth of human and material resources and public
understanding and support. In contrast, national defence has a narrower
meaning. Defence relates to sovereignty, territorial integrity, capability to
contain internal disorder, respond to man-made and natural calamities, and have
the synergised political will and broad-spectrum capability to undertake
multifarious international obligations; even the odd intervention if that
becomes necessary in supreme national interest.
Security vs Defence
Security and defence are therefore not
interchangeable. Security incorporates defence. Collectively they stand for
National Security and both must co-exist. Kautilya in his seminal treatise on
statecraft — Arthashastra, warned us around 2,000 years ago that national
security challenges to a state demand of it both expertise and force
development to successfully face the threats that it may be subjected to. He
identified four such threats: The external threat externally abetted, the
external threat internally abetted, the internal threat externally abetted and
the internal threat internally abetted. Today we face all of them in varying
degrees. Yet, a Comprehensive National Security Policy has not been
articulated. Even if it does exist in some form, its application on ground is
incoherent if not headless. It appears after each episodic disaster we face as
a nation that we have learnt no lessons from the past, nor is there continuity
of responses that could mitigate the sufferings that follow from such events.
Using the Kautilya analogy, it is
instructive to identify the current threats to our security. First, the
external threats: Afghanistan and Pakistan are the globally recognised
epicentres of terrorism. A spillover to Jammu & Kashmir is a natural
fallout and we are in its throes. With China, the International Border and the
Line of Actual Control (LAC) are still not settled and what has happened in the
recent past is a source of concern. In the South, Sri Lanka is reneging on its
commitments towards its Tamil citizens and Tamil Nadu is in ferment. Even
Bhutan, Nepal, Bangladesh and Myanmar make no bones about their problems with
India and some have equidistanced themselves from their large neighbours.
Maldives is in turmoil and is a deepening source of concern for us. The
internal threats are no less worrying. Maoism/Naxalism, with its “Red” corridor
spanning half a dozen states, besides interstate spats over water sharing are
now routine and are increasingly vociferous. Thus, in today’s India, land,
water, migration and energy creation, distribution and sharing are all sources
of concern. All these can be categorised within the Kautilyan framework of
threats and puerile political explanations do nothing to mitigate their wholly
deleterious impact on national security.
Non-traditional threats
We also have to face the reality that
there are at least six non-traditional threats that negatively impinge on our
national security: Water, health and the increasing possibility of pandemics,
a debilitating energy crunch, stand-alone education not networked to
employability resulting in spiralling levels of unemployment and
underemployment, rapidly degrading environment, and not the least, abysmal
levels of deployable technology — both indigenous and imported — complete the
dismal round up. Manufacturing is now only 16 per cent of our GDP. Even in the
much-touted services sector, discerning analysts call us the “labourers of the
world”. Clearly we need to transit from a “labour arbitrage” economy to a
“knowledge arbitrage” economy. How that is possible is another story but needs
to be told —perhaps on a later occasion.
What then are the indicators of a
truant National Security Policy? Firstly, is it there at all? If so, where is
it? Who makes it? Who disseminates it? Who is calling the shots on Security
Policy? What inputs are required to make one, and who provides them? Secondly,
if there is one, does Parliament, and through it the common man need to know?
If not, why not?
Let us, for a moment, assume there is
one. The question that then begs answering is, as to why so many reports
written by successive committees under different governments are lying in cold
storage? These reports deal with urgent national issues of water sharing,
defence, defence production, health, labour, environment, innovation, research
and development etc.
Some allied questions also need to be
raised. Where is the priority for operational readiness? If push comes to shove
who will be held accountable? The Rules of Business suggest it ought to be the
Defence Secretary but we all know the grim reality. These rules have never been
applied so far. Why are we net importers of security equipment? What happened
to the Scientific Adviser’s assertion in 2002 of a 70:30 ratio of indigenous to
imported security equipment delivery schedule? It was then, as it is now, a
pious statement devoid of a blueprint to execute it. We cannot in any case
procure because the loser of a contract bid starts complaining anonymously and
the process collapses.
Lack of accountability
Who monitors the National Technology
Base? Where are we in the Human Resource Development, innovation, health, farming and agriculture practices’ indices? These
are sample questions but serve to amplify a lassitude; that has consumed, like
a cancer, our core understanding of what makes a nation work towards taking its
place among the hierarchy of effective and powerful nations. The question that
nevertheless begs an answer is why do successive governments relegate the
demands of National Security to ridiculous levels of apathy?
Glaring shortcomings
An objective scan shows that the
current arrangement has glaring shortcomings; some inbuilt, some contrived,
some personality and mindset led and some a fallout of inadequate experience,
lack of exposure and an inability to “think through” by our apex-level decision
makers. The problem gets exacerbated by a near-total lack of a world-class work
ethic, including networking among key advisers, staff and concerned ministries
that allows for structured as opposed to “gut level” thereby subjective
formulation of a focused “India First” national security policy. Consequently,
the list of knee-jerk policy responses that we keep making are legion. The key
take-home is stark and uncompromising: strategy and policy are two sides of the
same coin and a truant national security policy and therefore an absent
national security strategy has perversely scarred India’s strategic
decision-making matrix.
Look at the tell-tale signs. Around
1.25 billion Indians with a lion’s share of the youngest male and female
population in the world; young people with a creativity index better than most
nations; people with energy, verve and an infectious we-can-and-we-will:just-give-us-a-chance
attitude today find themselves eminently unemployable. A country that has a
stunning array of nature’s bounty in perennial snow-fed and peninsular rivers
is today faced with rapidly depleting water resources because we are hidebound
and sadly dated in rain water/aquifer water harvesting and conservation
techniques. The agricultural sector has been in stasis and has witnessed a
sharp rise in farmer suicides. Our health, women and child welfare, our basic
hygiene and environment conservation standards are at low levels; amongst the
lowest in the world and, pretty unsurprisingly, we have a GDP that is declining
and dismissive of the benefits emerging from new technology/new methods of
wealth creation.
Shortchanging citizens
Although all this might look
disconnected, look at the image this has created. Culpable Italian Marines have
to be let off, Ms. Khobragade strip-searched, former Presidents frisked, bank
accounts of proclaimed cheats released, our fishermen jailed, our prisoners in
neighbouring countries beaten to death, soldiers’ throats slit. Armed patrols
of neighbours walk in and out, migrants are here to stay, and the
haves/have-nots’ divide has become uglier.
Isn't it the first call of a
democratically elected, legally constituted government to ensure the security
of its citizens? Why is the citizen; the basic building-block of the nation
repeatedly and mindlessly shortchanged in all aspects of his/her life and
living? It is time that the new political dispensation that comes into power by
end May 2014 takes stock and draws a comprehensive, unique,
well-thought-through and synergised blueprint to address these deep and abiding
concerns. Partisan debates of blame game are now passé. The citizens deserve an
appropriate response and it can no longer be left to fate and providence to
resolve.
The writer retired as the Western Army
Commander. Post retirement, he has served as DG CII and as a member of the
National Security Advisory Board.
No comments:
Post a Comment