The Indian government has celebrated
the second anniversary of
the 2016 surgical strikes featured in a cross-border raid into
Pakistan-administered Kashmir in retaliation for the killing of 19 soldiers at
Uri in Jammu and Kashmir by four heavily armed terrorists of the
Pakistan-backed Jaish-e-Mohammed group.
The adjective “surgical” was added by the
government to dramatize the fact that the raid on multiple terrorist launch
pads did not involve hand-to-hand combat. The government claimed that some 40
terrorists and two Pakistani Army regulars were killed, though Pakistan denied
that the raid happened. But telephonic conversations between Pakistani police
officials and Indian reporters from the Network 18 news channel confirm
Pakistani casualties, though the number remains ambiguous.
Immediately after the raid, Indian politicians began boasting that Pakistan had been “taught a lesson,” and that cross-border terrorism would stop. Prime Minister Narendra Modi even proclaimed that he had called up Pakistan but no Pakistani general was “available” to talk to him, implying that they had gone into hiding with fear.
The
government riding covert operations to garner votes has not only jeopardized
similar future operations in Pakistan-administered Kashmir but has done
precious little for the Special Forces. Units are holding an assortment of
new-old weapons, even assault rifles. Communication equipment is grossly
outdated and surveillance equipment is far below authorization. Holdings of
combat military free-fall parachutes are nearing zero.
Even basic Special Forces equipment such as laser target
designators and general-purpose machine-guns authorized since 2002 are yet
to be fielded. There is no sense of urgency beyond publicity. The institution
of a separate Special Forces Fund is anathema to the government.
The government-appointed Naresh Chandra Committee on security
reforms recommended the establishment of a Special Forces Command in 2012.
After six years of inaction, the Defense Ministry approved the establishment of
a Special Operations Division in the military last year. But it still requires
cabinet approval.
There is no move to have special operations set up under the
prime minister for strategic-level tasks. Despite having adverse asymmetric
advantage vis-à-vis Pakistan-China at the sub-conventional level, there is no
will to evolve systemic sub-conventional response.
The government launched an electronic and print media blitz
glorifying the raid through articles, books, TV debates, and documentaries. But
violence levels rose exponentially from 2016 onward compared with previous
years; 2,134 ceasefire violations (including 1,046 this year), 916 infiltration
attempts, and 566 terrorists and 242 security personnel killed as of September
30.
To think that tactical-level
retaliatory strikes would
make Pakistan stop terrorism was naive but India never really mustered the guts
to take the sub-conventional war inside Pakistan, because of lack of political
will and intellect, fear of failure, focus on internal security and fighting
elections. Increased casualties in Jammu and Kashmir are also because of warped
policy. The number of security personnel killed matters little to the
government.
The government’s surgical strikes celebration
spanned universities, colleges and events at the national level including
releasing another documentary. Never have such celebrations been made for major
wars India won including the 50-day Kargil Conflict. The exclusive aim of
making political mileage is reinforced by the fact that no such celebrations
were held last year during the “first anniversary.”
The government wants students – youth comprise 65% of India’s
population – to “show respect” to the armed forces despite every survey showing
the military is already the most respected organization in India with an
overwhelming majority. It is the politicians and bureaucrats that need to show
respect to the armed forces.
If the valor of soldiers is milked for political gain while
soldiers pay with their lives, the loss of lives is not the only apathy the
armed forces face. Denigration and degrading of the military has been ongoing for
decades, with the present dispensation accelerating the pace. Simultaneous to
the surgical strikes, the Modi government slashed soldiers’ disability
pensions.
More than 750 army officers have approached the Supreme
Court against filing of a First Information Report (FIR) against military
personnel serving in the Kashmir Valley for counter-insurgency operations.
The filing of an FIR leads to endless litigation for soldiers,
who can be harassed by the police long after they retire. Ironically, Defense
Minister Nirmala Sitharaman gave her assent to the then-reigning Jammu and
Kashmir chief minister Mehbooba Mufti to file these FIRs against soldiers who
were forced to open fire against stone-pelting crowds in self-defense. However,
the federal government has now changed its stance and has sheepishly stated
support for these officers.
Despite using the military as the
first responder in nearly every crisis, it continues to treat soldiers
shabbily. The Modi government did grant one-time relief under subterfuge of the
“one rank one pension” (OROP) policy, which it is not. Despite calling itself
“nationalist,” the government resorted to a police
baton charge on peacefully protesting military veterans in
August 2015, shaming the nation. Veterans’ protests for full OROP in New Delhi
completed 870 days on October 1 this year. A blanket media ban on their activities
is a slur on democracy and constitutional rights.
The military’s Order of Precedence continues to be lowered in
the Constitutional scheme. Anomalies of pay commissions with respect to the
armed forces from the third Central Pay Commission in 1973 to date remain
unaddressed. The seventh Central Pay Commission (2017) brought pay and
allowances of police forces above the armed forces. A serving or retired
civilian defense employee is five times as expensive as his uniformed
counterpart or veteran. The army is asked to cut down its strength unilaterally
but the civilian-support part of defense continues to bloat.
The worst apathy is toward widows and the disabled, who are made
to fight prolonged legal battles for their dues and pensions. It is difficult
to understand why a female defense minister hires batteries of lawyers, paying
each an average of 200,000 rupees (US$2,750) from the defense budget, to fight
pensions and dues of widows and the disabled, knowing some of them don’t have
the means to fight legal battles. This despite that the Ministry of Defense
hasn’t won a single case to date.
Sitharaman told Parliament that the Ministry of Defense would
not withdraw legal cases against widows and the disabled. A non-functional
upgrade allowance is granted to government services but the government is
fighting legal battles to deny this to the armed forces. The government is also
complicit in denying soldiers the right to vote, especially those posted in
forward or remote areas.
Both the prime minister and the defense
minister skipped the last Army Day and Air Force Day celebrations but the
entire government machinery celebrated Surgical Strike Day;
so much for votes despite proclaiming that there is no opposition or opposition
leader worth the name.
India’s first prime minister
Jawaharlal Nehru was known for harboring suspicions about the military, and the
current incumbent, Narendra Modi, is having his way. Beyond institutionalized
criminality and corruption, where India is heading has been queried in
these columns. How
the next government will treat the armed forces is anybody’s guess.
This article is published by Asia Times and is by courtesy http://www.atimes.com/modi-government-politicized-surgical-strikes-but-did-little-for-soldiers/
The views expressed by the Author are his own and not of this blog.
The
author retired as Lieutenant General from the Indian Army's Special Forces.
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