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Monday, January 17, 2011

Why Congress wants to forget 1962 war

Interesting Article by Claude Arpi in the Indian Express of date
The debacle of 1962 war against China was the result of Despotic views of Nehru.
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Claude Arpi First Published : 17 Jan 2011
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While the Indian National Congress is still able to remember the role of former prime ministers Lal Bahadur Shastri and Indira Gandhi in the India-Pakistan conflicts of 1965 and 1971, it has forgotten the 1962 War with China.
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‘Congress and the Making of the Indian Nation’, a souvenir released on the occasion of the 125th anniversary of the foundation of the party and edited by senior leader Pranab Mukherjee says that in 1971 Indira Gandhi “was hailed as Durga, an incarnation of Shakti.” The events which saw the birth of Bangladesh are still considered to be ‘her personal success’.
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During the 1965 Indo-Pakistan War, Shastri had already demonstrated to the world that India could defend its territory with modest resources: “The aggression by Pakistan was effectively checked. The Indian troops even crossed over to Pakistani territory near Lahore”, write Congress historians.
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The 1962 conflict with China remains a deep scar on the Indian psyche, but the 172-page book entirely omits the episode. To many, it resembles a Stalinian way to write history.
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This reflects a great deal on the level of the historians working for the Congress. Foremost is Mridula Mukherjee, the director of Nehru Memorial Museum & Library, an autonomous body under the Ministry of Culture who flouted all government rules, which prohibit the director of such bodies from associating with a particular political party. Interestingly, the release of the book came soon after another ‘release’: two letters sent by Jawaharlal Nehru to US President John F Kennedy on November 19, 1962. Thanks to the truly eminent journalist Inder Malhotra these two missives are today in the public domain. Did the Indian National Congress know that the first prime minister of India informed the US President that the situation in November 1962 was ‘desperate’? Nehru begged to the US to immediately despatch a ‘more comprehensive’ US military aid, “if the Chinese are to be prevented from taking over the whole of Eastern India.” Till these letters were ‘declassified’ by the veteran journalist, there was only a brief mention about their existence in the “Foreign Relations of the United States” which mentions: “The letter conveyed in Telegram 1891 was the first of two letters sent by Nehru to Kennedy on November 19. The second was delivered to the White House by the Indian Ambassador on the evening of November 19. These letters have not been declassified by the Indian government.” The Office of the Historian of the US government quotes their summary published by S Gopal, Nehru’s biographer: “Nehru, apparently without consulting any of his cabinet colleagues or officials, apart from the Foreign Secretary, M J Desai, wrote two letters to Kennedy describing the situation as ‘really desperate’ and asked for the immediate despatch of a minimum of twelve squadrons of supersonic all-weather fighters and the setting up of radar communications. American personnel would have to man these fighters and installations and protect Indian cities from air attacks by the Chinese till Indian personnel had been trained. If possible, the United States should also send planes flown by American personnel to assist the Indian Air Force in any battles with the Chinese in Indian air space; but aerial action by India elsewhere would be the responsibility of the Indian Air Force. Nehru also asked for two B-47 bomber squadrons to enable India to strike at Chinese bases and air fields, but to learn to fly these planes Indian pilots and technicians would be sent immediately for training in the United States.” Malhotra discovered by chance the unredacted letters: “Imagine my surprise, when soon after arriving in Washington this time around, I had easy access to these ‘forbidden’ epistles (in the JFK Library).” Though there is no mention of it in The Making of the Indian Nation, in November 1962, India faced the most dramatic moment of its recent history. In the words of Nehru (to Kennedy): “The situation in NEFA (North-East Frontier Agency, today Arunachal Pradesh) Command has deteriorated still further. Bomdila has fallen and the retreating forces from Sela have been trapped between the Sela Ridge and Bomdila. A serious threat has developed to our Digboi oilfields in Assam. With the advance of the Chinese in massive strength, the entire Brahmaputra Valley is seriously threatened and unless something is done immediately to stem the tide, the whole of Assam, Tripura, Manipur and Nagaland would also pass into Chinese hands.” The prime minister not knowing that the Chinese were ready to declare a unilateral ceasefire (it was done three days later) informed the American President: “The Chinese have poised massive forces also in Chumbi Valley between Sikkim and Bhutan and another invasion from that direction appears imminent… In Ladakh, as I have said in my earlier communication, Chushul is under heavy attack and the shelling of the airfield at Chushul has already commenced. We have also noticed increasing air activity by the Chinese air force.” In the first letter, Nehru had told Kennedy that after the fall of Chushul there was “nothing to stop the Chinese till they reach Leh, the headquarters of the Ladakh province of Kashmir.” B K Nehru, the Indian ambassador, delivered the second letter to the White House at night. He later said that his first impulse was to not deliver it. Malhotra recounts: “(B K Nehru) never discussed the contents of the two letters with anyone but did tell me that he locked them up in the safe that only the ambassador could open.” Though according to the official history of the Congress, it was Nehru who “outlined five principles of Panchsheel which became the basis of the Non-Aligned Movement”, in November 1962, he badly panicked and aligned himself with Washington.
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It has always surprised me why the government is adamant on not publishing the Henderson-Brooks report of the 1962 debacle.
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Defence Minister A K Antony recently told Parliament that the report could not be made public because an internal study by the Indian Army had established that its contents “are not only extremely sensitive but are of current operational value.” Is it not strange that a 47-year-old report is still of ‘operational value’? The officials who drafted the minister’s reply may not be aware that another report, the Official History of the Conflict with China (1962) was prepared by the History Division of the Ministry of Defence which details the famous ‘operations’ in 474 foolscap pages.
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After the release of Congress and the Making of the Indian Nation, the motives of the government are clear. The party would like to forever erase the painful months of October/November 1962. Delhi has decided to forget about 1962 altogether.
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6 comments:

  1. 1. The Indian Express of 15 Nov has a story by Inder Malhotra about 1962 conflict where Nehru writing to Kennedy seeks help in the form of I quote, "We have repeatedly felt the need to use our air arm in support of our land forces but have been unable to do so because in the present state---- we have no defence against retaliatory action by the Chinese" Malhotra goes onto quote declassified letters where he says that Nehru specifically sought ' --- minimum 12 sqns of supersonic all-weather fighters and modern radar cover which we dont have, and that US personnel will have to man the fighters and radars while Indians are being trained'

    2. Later in the story Malhotra says that Nehru clarified that US pilots will only fly within India and take on Chinese air attacks, and that offensive ops outside India would be done only by IAF.

    3. Rather interesting these figures and proposals considering all that has been discussed in this group. How did the demand settle for 12 sqns? Someone from IAF must have given inputs. It is even possible that Krishna Menon, BN Malik, and other "strategists" may have decided on this by themselves without bothering to ask IAF. Many I B people had direct access to CIA and U S Embassy staff. Apart from the Marshal of the IAF, I dont think anyone else is around to clarify, and he took over from Air Chief Engineer.

    4. The question for us uniformed and veterans is how ready were we to take on any Chinese air attacks on troops or cities/installations? We have always maintained that the PLAAF was quite ineffective in Tibet during the war, and did not have any worthwhile capacity. What capacity did we have?

    5. It will be good if some of us in Delhi can write in the Express and tell India the facts as they were in Nov 1962, and the paranoia about Chinky air strikes to TZ, Kolkata, Guwahati oil installations and our airfields. Did we need a virtual air umbrella? We were pretty well endowed in Chabua, TZ, Hashimara, and Bagdogra. Openly declaring the ORBAT of November 1962 will tell the truth and that seeking any fighter support, let alone 12 sqns, was unnecessary.

    6. There are many knowledgeable and competent people in Delhi who can do this for the IAF. We all know that Malhotra is a great admirer of Nehru and Congress. I have heard him at DSSC more than once.

    anant bewoor

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  2. Hi every body,

    In the 1962 war with China I was posted to No.7 squadron flying Hunters. Our mission was to carry out armed patrols around the Leh area. There were all sort of wild rumours why the I.A.F was kept on a lease. The primary reason that I can remember was that if we attacked Chinese ground position it would give the Chinese an excuse to retaliate with their Air Force.

    Later we realised that this assessment was strategically wrong. During those days the Chinese had no air fields close to our border and large enough to handle to launch or recover Fighters considering the height and the mountains terrain. The question of launching strike aircraft from the main land China bases would not have been tactically possible because of the radius of action of the Chinese fighters fully loaded with external offensive war load and the distance of these bases from the tactical area. The Chinese must have been fully aware of this and so they never launched an air offencive.

    I do believe that Archie Bunker the U.S. Ambassador in 1962 advised our worthy Pandit Nehru not to allow any Air offencive action from our side as the Chinese retaliation would annihilate our troops and border towns.

    The question of using U.S. Fighters for air defence purposes shows the run amuck panic of Pandit ji and his advisers, of the strategic reality.

    Bharat Singh. Gp.Capt (retd)

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  3. Sir,

    If one does a study of that time, it would become evident that the Chinese Air Force(PLAAF) was in dire straits those days. The Soviet Union had stopped all aid/help to PLAAF due to the break in relations. The PLAAF was literally 'grounded' but our intelligence was poor(it still is today) and we let a golden opportunity slip out of our hands. Had the IAF intervened, history may have been different today. The importance of peace-time intelligence is a lesson not learnt by us even today. Reference our complete inability to understand the Afghan situation and our total exclusion from any grouping to decide the future of that region.

    Nana Menon

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  4. There is ONLY ONE "justification" \ Excuse, to Re remember 1962; to convince the sarkar mai-bap; to consult the IAF in similar situation in future, before running about like headless CHICKEN (pun intended).

    Americans > there is a Saying which is apt & relevant : " Geher na ghela ane baher na
    Shana" > listens only to outsiders instead of their OWN.

    This HALLMARK continues, sarkar mai-bap trusts America; forgetting ALL the Sanctions, but distrusts OUR OWN private Industry with Defence Productions.

    Something to do with inherited DNA & IQ, perhaps ? ? ?

    Why 1962, Nehru wanted the British to Continue Every where, post Independence; EXCEPT as PM.

    IAF should learn a lesson from Gen Thappar's plight - being MISLEAD by neta Nehru to resign before he could DEFEND HIMSELF in Parliament.
    NEVER trusts a neta whatever the "Chara" . . . .

    Re reading my 6-7 year old "Tawaiff ki Faryad" should benefit more than being Naive to trust a neta !

    Parvez Jamasji
    parvez1942@yahoo.com

    ReplyDelete
  5. Comments in two Parts

    Interesting discussion. On hind sight, we are able to identify now on many negative features of the operational capabilities of Chinese Air Force. Our Intelligence was indeed poor at that time. What about our capabilities at that time?.During the period (1961-1962), we did not have any worth while Radar Chain either for surveillance or interception in the Northern and eastern borders. All the Radars that we had were W W II vintage radars. On the eastern sector, beyond Barrackpore, we did not have any Radar at all.

    Mountainous region where our Fighters will have to operate are heavy clutter areas. Only a Radar with MTI (Moving Target Indicator) capability can detect moving targets in such a heavy clutter area. The only modern radar(at that time) with MTI capability was an Early warning Radar (with out any interception capability) called ANTPS-1E. Because of its good MTI capability,Air Hq wanted to use this radar on the Mountainous Northern Border for surveillance/trials. I was commanding an unit with this Radar. During that period, I would be asked to carry out various trials in the Northern Border as this Radar was Air Transportable.

    In 1961, I was told that I should move to Bomdila and carry out trials to locate a Radar there. I went to Tezpur and was waiting for Ops order to move to Bomdila.(Toofanis were operating from Tezpur). Suddenly Air Hq changed their mind, I was now asked to move to Chandigarh. They told me to use the Air Lift facilities provided by the new AN-12 to carry out the trials at Chushul Airfield in Ladakh. My top secret ops order mentioned that the Task would be to establish radar capabilities to moniter Air Activities of Chinese in this sector. I spent a couple of weeks there to carry out these trials.

    All these tasks confirm two things.

    One, Air Force was well aware of the imminent Chinese Threat and wanted to equip itself to face this threat.

    Second, Air Force identified some short falls in our Air Operations capabilities due to lack of suitable weapons and equipment. But at Govt level, nothing moved to support Air Force. To spend one rupee in foreign Exchange at that time, we had to go through many levels of Bureaucracy. It used to be a frustrating experience unlike what happened in the late Sixties. Let us not compare the state at that time to what happened subsequently. At that time, a superior Military was not considered as an effective tool to further Diplomacy, thanks to PM's philosophy on India's role in international affairs.

    Murugan Subbiah
    sm532ster@gmail.com

    To be continued

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  6. Part Two

    When Chinese swept into India in 1962, there was panic in Air Hq. Suddenly, they found that there was no Radar chain in the whole Eastern Sector. I got a call from SASO, Operational Command (It was not Western Air Command yet) asking me to move immediately to a Base in Eastern Sector because there was no radar there. I had to dismantle the equipment in three hours and take the AN-12 Air Craft before Sun Light faded from Sirsa where we had a PSP runway at that time. Sqn Ldr (at that time) Chandan Singh came to take me and some selected Airmen. He was as usual tremendously nice to me and took off from there at 8PM and dropped us in Bagdogra at mid night. Later when Chinese ended operations, I was asked to move to Darjeeling to watch Air activities of Chinese in Chumbi valley.I should also reveal that, contrary to intelligence information, there was hardly any intense air activity in Chumbi Valley.

    My conclusion is that even though Air Force was aware and concerned of threats from Chinese, it was far from being ready to mount effective Air Operations and/or counter Chinese Air Operations due to lack of appropriate Ground Environment and weapon systems. Pure valour and high skills do not translate into superior capabilities unless backed by good weapons and efficient Ground environment and Systems. The Govt practically did not support Air Force in preparing for an Air War well before Chinese operations.

    The first point made by the High Level military team from USA that visited India based on request of Nehru was that IAF needed a modern Air Defence Ground Environment and systems to mount Air Operations. The outcome of this recommendation was the launching of ADGES programme to provide modern Radar and communication facilities during Post Chinese period.

    Murugan Subbiah
    sm532ster@gmail.com

    Concluded

    ReplyDelete